“Therefore, while study may be the principal theoretical task before we who are communist at a particular period, this must be a relatively brief period, not only- not- not that study comes to an end, but after an initial period, the study of classical Marxism-Leninism must become subordinate to other theoretical and practical work, revolutionary achievements, like we are now seeing in Jonestown. Produce instead in talk. There are so many communists that we see in the United States that never produce anything in substance.” - Comrade Jim Jones, Peoples Temple
Important commentary essential to the understanding of Marxist dialectic materialism is essential. The nature of theoretical task. Quotations will not do it. If they did, we would undoubtedly have won socialism in United States and all over the world by now. For example, every US Marxist-Leninist is undoubtedly familiar with Lenin’s famous comment: without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement. Not too many people recall as readily the sentence following that, in which Vladimir Lenin contrasts this point of view with those who have an infatuation for the narrowest forms of practical activity, to which in our present circumstances, we might also warn against an infatuation for the narrowest forms of theoretical activity.
Theory is not spontaneous. Of course, making a revolution is in the first place and primarily a practical activity. Only religious and secular mystics believe that the revolution is in your head. Revolution is a struggle for power, and this is a most practical activity involving large numbers of people taking actions and employing force. Nevertheless, that revolutionary activity will not succeed. Indeed, those engaged will not even have a clear idea of their objectives, unless the process is guided by scientific socialism. Scientific theory manifesting itself in a political program and a strategic plan.
But where will all this come from? A scientific theory capable of giving intelligent direction to the activity of millions and millions will not develop spontaneously out of daily life, no matter how much in a condition of oppression that daily life might be. In fact, the very state of oppression in all phases of the life of your citizen prevents correct theory from emerging, because any deep going plans that embraces all aspects of social life requires rigorous investigation and debate before it can be conceived. And wide application if it is to be properly tested. And the conditions of life among the most oppressed work against their developing the time- these conditions of life among the most oppressed work against their developing in time. Developing the time, the energy, the faculties and facilities to enable them to do it on their own. Nor will the scientific theory for revolution emerge out of the disparate groups of intellectuals consulting with each other on the basis of vaguely-defined common assumptions or a general agreement on modus operandi, or- that is, methodology. We can say that only a Marxist-Leninist party can produce the basic principles, long-term strategy and political program which might deserve to be called scientific theory, but for us today, this really begs the question, since the task of bringing that party into being remains before us.
What then is a strategic concept that should guide communists in this period when the forming of a Marxist-Leninist movement must be the objective that guides the political work in USA particularly, where there is very little Marxist-Leninist substance. We have said that the principal aspect of this work at this time is theoretical. This is true. But the formulation is rapidly becoming inadequate. Now we must begin to define more precisely the nature of those theoretical tasks. In the process, we may help overcome some of the mystique that tends to surround theory in our movement and locate our theoretical work in a more practical context. It should also be emphasized that in locating theoretical work as a principle at the present time, we in no way rule out the necessity for ongoing practical political activity. The spontaneous movements of struggle among the masses, as well as the practical, even though limited initiatives, that communist groups can undertake at this time likewise provide a school for the training and development of a communist cadre.
First of course is a question of study. Marxist-Leninism is a worldview embracing the realm of traditional philosophy, human history, political economy and revolutionary change. And we must understand that in Jonestown the importance of developing this communist philosophy. It views the world dialectically, and not empirically. What do I mean? That is, it looks at all phenomena in their motion and not simply as they are at a given moment. As developed by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao and many others, Marxist-Leninism has been a way of both understanding the world and changing it. In fact, many of the richest contributions to the body of thought called Marxism-Leninism have been developed in the course of urgent, violent revolutionary struggle. Knowledge and mastery of this great theoretical legacy should be an objective of all Marxist revolutionaries. Classical theory will not solve the problems of the present, but it provides a theoretical underpinning for understanding contemporary phenomena and also supplies the developing cadre with the ideological equipment they will need in order to develop their own necessary theoretical work.
To strive for knowledge and mastery of Marxism-Leninism, however, is a lifelong task. Likewise, there will always be new people coming into the movement with only a limited knowledge of Marxist-Leninist theory, like we have in our own movement. Some who have even an idealistic, impractical and even a mystical approach to Marxism, which is not substance, and will always fail one in a revolutionary time of crisis. One can go too far into the realms of violence without thinking. A good balance of thinking and violence seems to be taking place in Italy with the Red Brigade, brilliant thinking that invades the insurance companies and gets information as to who the richest people in Italy are that are violating their own capitalist laws by investing abroad for insurance policies, then knowing who they can get - some are not kidnapped, they’re just intimidated by a note, we know where your daughter is, we know what nursery school, we know your plans, and so many rich people, really not that concerned about capitalism, other than their own selfishness, which is a contradiction that will bring capitalism down, actually contribute to the Red Brigade just to get keep the Red Brigade off their ass, as it were. Well, we’ve got to get knowledge, and mastery of Marxist-Leninism. It’s a lifelong task. Likewise, there will always be new people coming into the movement with only a limited knowledge of Marxist-Leninist theory. Therefore, while study may be the principal theoretical task before we who are communist at a particular period, this must be a relatively brief period, not only- not- not that study comes to an end, but after an initial period, the study of classical Marxism-Leninism must become subordinate to other theoretical and practical work, revolutionary achievements, like we are now seeing in Jonestown. Produce instead in talk. There are so many communists that we see in the United States that never produce anything in substance.
Marxist-Leninist organizations. Is the study of Marxism-Leninism today therefore the principal theoretical task of the communist? Although it was for several years, we must say that this is no longer the case. Evidence for this is to be found in the fact that the study group form has, by in large, become outmoded in the movement. Study groups, of course, continue to exist and should, particularly in Jonestown at the end of the work day, so we know what we are fighting for. And new ones are constantly coming into being. While this was a new and rising phenomena of a few years ago, it is no longer the case. Today the new and rising phenomena is in organizations of Marxist-Leninist. Some of these are national organizations, some local, but it is obvious that there are thousands of Marxist-Leninists in the United States who are now demanding a higher organizational form than the study group. Hopefully, however, systematic and guided study of Marxism-Leninism will go on in these organizations so that there can really be a strong communist movement, as also there must be a strong socialist movement and a strong free trade union movement, if fascism and genocide, eventual nuclear war, is to at all, by any chance be hoped to be stopped, and there’s no chance - not hardly a snowball’s chance in hell, particularly, that nuclear war can be stopped.
Another critical theoretical task before the Marxist-Leninist has been the necessity to draw the lines of ideological demarcation between themselves and various expression of bourgeois - it’s b-o-u-r-g-e-o-i-s - ideology in the ranks of the left. First of all, revisionism, but also, Trotskyism, anarchism and social democracy. While this task is far from being completed, we can say that in broad outline, its principal objectives have been accomplished. There does exist today a widely-held critique of the principal errors of these retrograde tendencies. It is also true that these tendencies towards revisionism, Trotskyism, anarchism and social democracy in varying degrees, continue to exercise a dangerous influence on the movement in USA . But these take more of a hidden or indirect form than an explicit attack on the fundamental principles of communism, Marxism, Leninism.
We must also recognize that the whole study group phenomena was itself a significant manifestation of the struggle against revisionism and the other tendencies mentioned. Thousands of people went back to the work of Marx and Lenin - in particular, Lenin - as well as other revolutionary thinkers, precisely because their ideas and discoveries have been abandoned or distorted or slandered by the dominant left tendencies, liberal left tendencies of the 60s.
At the same time, no Marxist-Leninist can be satisfied with the level of understanding reached so far around these questions. All too often, the critique of these tendencies is ritualistic and superficial, making it all the more possible for their ideas to come into the movement again wearing less obvious clothes. A correct definition of our theoretical task in this area, then, is a necessity to deepen our critique of these incorrect tendencies, and again, what are those incorrect tendencies that we need to look for and be aware of constantly on vigilant battle against? Anarchism, revisionism, Trotskyism and social democracy.
A correct definition of our theoretical task, then, is a necessity to deepen our critique of these incorrect tendencies, with particular emphasis on revisionism. Revisionism is the most dangerous enemy. Trotskyism is an enemy. Anarchy is an enemy. Social democracy. But so much revisionism. Left opportunism. A third important theoretical challenge to Marxist-Leninist has been the struggle against what has variously been called dogmatism, left opportunism, and flunkyism in our movement.
This struggle has led to an outright organizational break between those forces upholding a proletarian worker international line and those following an objectively class collaborationist path, based upon their adherence to China ’s foreign policy. But while the international wing of the Marxist-Leninist forces, to its great credit, refused to follow the path that led others to becoming the objective allies of their own bourgeoisie, we cannot say that it has thoroughly resolved some of the important theoretical questions which this struggle brought to the foreground. Chief among these, of course, is an independent Marxist-Leninist analysis of the socialist nations of the world. The greatest enemies of Marxism-Leninism, today, though, is the class collaborationist path based upon the adherence to China’s nationalistic communism, its renegade foreign policy that openly cooperates with US capitalism in spite of the good domestic policies that we have seen in many instances in China. The dire consequences of China’s international line were reason enough to exercise caution in the thesis of capitalist restoration. But this in turn has led to an increasingly embarrassing silence on the question of other socialist nations. It has also led in some quarters to an under-estimation of the role of hegemonist superpower in the world today than can develop in some socialist countries, as well as to let up in the struggle against revisionism any form. That’s why we’re glad to hear that Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and the Republic of Yemen, communist, are assisting in the Red Brigade, not only theory, but practical works, where change is being made. The Christian Democratic Party split by proving to the world that capitalists do not care about their own, like Aldo Moro, five times elected Prime Minister of Italy, who wasn’t worth the substitution or exchange of one humble black or poor socialist political prisoner in a jail. It’s divided a party. It’s brought less dedication of capitalist. It’s brought fearful lack of financial support from financial rich circles to the capitalist, because capitalists are highly narcissistic for the most part, except perhaps those in the Trilateral Commission, who know that they are the greatest war criminals of all, and face an instant justice in any revolution.
A definition of our movement’s principal theoretical task in this area, then, might be the necessity to strengthen our critique of China’s foreign policy from a firm anti-revisionist perspective, guarding especially against a tendency to make right opportunist errors or to adopt an eclectic view which does not sharply differentiate among different incorrect tendencies. A second necessary theoretical task is a summing up of the principal errors made by the principal groups and tendencies who at one time composed the new communist movement. There has been considerable debate as to how this task should be approached. But Mao’s sage advice that the correctness or otherwise of ideological and political line decides everything, offers sound guidance in this respect, in spite of China’s incorrect application of Mao and the terrible, disgraceful way they have treated Mao’s wife [Jiang Qing], who would’ve led China back into the international arena. Border clashes, incidentally, are still continuing along the border of China and the Soviet Union , and China is still very strong on Radio Peiping that nuclear war between USSR and China is unavoidable and is soon forthcoming.
Still, even if this is not our movement’s principal theoretical task, although currently it must be pursued. All that has been mentioned so far is old business, however uncompleted it may be. But something else is now emerging. A new urgency is beginning to make itself felt, although it is barely recognized as such yet. It comes out of the felt needs of the study groups, the settling of accounts with ideological deviations and incorrect lines, and it comes out of the beginning forms of organizations towards a new communist party. And it is this necessity to begin to formulate the rudiments of the general political line on which the new or reconstituted communist party will be founded. Involved in this are the thorough and concrete investigation and analyses of the objective conditions of US monopoly capitalism today, and its interaction with the rest of the world. Our forces must begin to study and make scientific appraisals, and not simply in an agitational way of the current status and long term prospects of the US fascist economy, the bourgeoisie political parties, class relationships and strengths in the USA. Political realities and currents in the working class mean political trends in the movements of the oppressed nationalities, tendencies towards fascism that are so obvious and much more.
Need for analysis of United States workers is desperate. Especially important is an in-depth analysis of the US working class today, with particular attention to the industrial working class, or what we know as the proletariat. Such an analysis must take up the multi-national character of the working class, role of women workers, status of the unemployed, movements toward organizing the unorganized, role of the trade unions and the trade union bureaucracy, and some estimate of the nature of backward consciousness in the working class, particularly in relation to racism that is so pronounced in the working class in USA, and sexism, and their strong currents of anti-communism that is frighteningly, dangerously leading to the destruction of USA. This investigation and analysis is of course only one aspect of the formulation of a general line, and many other questions are involved, including an historical assessment of the communist movement in the United States . Space does not permit a further elaboration at this time of the many specific tasks connected to the development of general political line for a Marxist-Leninist party. Suffice it to say that what is being put forward here is an attempt to give concrete and practical definition to what is meant in saying that theoretical work is primary in our communist, Marxist-Leninist building today. It is primary, no question of that. It is primary.
Comrade Jim Jones, Peoples Temple (Excerpts from transcript of FBI Tape No. 284)
Theory is not spontaneous. Of course, making a revolution is in the first place and primarily a practical activity. Only religious and secular mystics believe that the revolution is in your head. Revolution is a struggle for power, and this is a most practical activity involving large numbers of people taking actions and employing force. Nevertheless, that revolutionary activity will not succeed. Indeed, those engaged will not even have a clear idea of their objectives, unless the process is guided by scientific socialism. Scientific theory manifesting itself in a political program and a strategic plan.
But where will all this come from? A scientific theory capable of giving intelligent direction to the activity of millions and millions will not develop spontaneously out of daily life, no matter how much in a condition of oppression that daily life might be. In fact, the very state of oppression in all phases of the life of your citizen prevents correct theory from emerging, because any deep going plans that embraces all aspects of social life requires rigorous investigation and debate before it can be conceived. And wide application if it is to be properly tested. And the conditions of life among the most oppressed work against their developing the time- these conditions of life among the most oppressed work against their developing in time. Developing the time, the energy, the faculties and facilities to enable them to do it on their own. Nor will the scientific theory for revolution emerge out of the disparate groups of intellectuals consulting with each other on the basis of vaguely-defined common assumptions or a general agreement on modus operandi, or- that is, methodology. We can say that only a Marxist-Leninist party can produce the basic principles, long-term strategy and political program which might deserve to be called scientific theory, but for us today, this really begs the question, since the task of bringing that party into being remains before us.
What then is a strategic concept that should guide communists in this period when the forming of a Marxist-Leninist movement must be the objective that guides the political work in USA particularly, where there is very little Marxist-Leninist substance. We have said that the principal aspect of this work at this time is theoretical. This is true. But the formulation is rapidly becoming inadequate. Now we must begin to define more precisely the nature of those theoretical tasks. In the process, we may help overcome some of the mystique that tends to surround theory in our movement and locate our theoretical work in a more practical context. It should also be emphasized that in locating theoretical work as a principle at the present time, we in no way rule out the necessity for ongoing practical political activity. The spontaneous movements of struggle among the masses, as well as the practical, even though limited initiatives, that communist groups can undertake at this time likewise provide a school for the training and development of a communist cadre.
First of course is a question of study. Marxist-Leninism is a worldview embracing the realm of traditional philosophy, human history, political economy and revolutionary change. And we must understand that in Jonestown the importance of developing this communist philosophy. It views the world dialectically, and not empirically. What do I mean? That is, it looks at all phenomena in their motion and not simply as they are at a given moment. As developed by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao and many others, Marxist-Leninism has been a way of both understanding the world and changing it. In fact, many of the richest contributions to the body of thought called Marxism-Leninism have been developed in the course of urgent, violent revolutionary struggle. Knowledge and mastery of this great theoretical legacy should be an objective of all Marxist revolutionaries. Classical theory will not solve the problems of the present, but it provides a theoretical underpinning for understanding contemporary phenomena and also supplies the developing cadre with the ideological equipment they will need in order to develop their own necessary theoretical work.
To strive for knowledge and mastery of Marxism-Leninism, however, is a lifelong task. Likewise, there will always be new people coming into the movement with only a limited knowledge of Marxist-Leninist theory, like we have in our own movement. Some who have even an idealistic, impractical and even a mystical approach to Marxism, which is not substance, and will always fail one in a revolutionary time of crisis. One can go too far into the realms of violence without thinking. A good balance of thinking and violence seems to be taking place in Italy with the Red Brigade, brilliant thinking that invades the insurance companies and gets information as to who the richest people in Italy are that are violating their own capitalist laws by investing abroad for insurance policies, then knowing who they can get - some are not kidnapped, they’re just intimidated by a note, we know where your daughter is, we know what nursery school, we know your plans, and so many rich people, really not that concerned about capitalism, other than their own selfishness, which is a contradiction that will bring capitalism down, actually contribute to the Red Brigade just to get keep the Red Brigade off their ass, as it were. Well, we’ve got to get knowledge, and mastery of Marxist-Leninism. It’s a lifelong task. Likewise, there will always be new people coming into the movement with only a limited knowledge of Marxist-Leninist theory. Therefore, while study may be the principal theoretical task before we who are communist at a particular period, this must be a relatively brief period, not only- not- not that study comes to an end, but after an initial period, the study of classical Marxism-Leninism must become subordinate to other theoretical and practical work, revolutionary achievements, like we are now seeing in Jonestown. Produce instead in talk. There are so many communists that we see in the United States that never produce anything in substance.
Marxist-Leninist organizations. Is the study of Marxism-Leninism today therefore the principal theoretical task of the communist? Although it was for several years, we must say that this is no longer the case. Evidence for this is to be found in the fact that the study group form has, by in large, become outmoded in the movement. Study groups, of course, continue to exist and should, particularly in Jonestown at the end of the work day, so we know what we are fighting for. And new ones are constantly coming into being. While this was a new and rising phenomena of a few years ago, it is no longer the case. Today the new and rising phenomena is in organizations of Marxist-Leninist. Some of these are national organizations, some local, but it is obvious that there are thousands of Marxist-Leninists in the United States who are now demanding a higher organizational form than the study group. Hopefully, however, systematic and guided study of Marxism-Leninism will go on in these organizations so that there can really be a strong communist movement, as also there must be a strong socialist movement and a strong free trade union movement, if fascism and genocide, eventual nuclear war, is to at all, by any chance be hoped to be stopped, and there’s no chance - not hardly a snowball’s chance in hell, particularly, that nuclear war can be stopped.
Another critical theoretical task before the Marxist-Leninist has been the necessity to draw the lines of ideological demarcation between themselves and various expression of bourgeois - it’s b-o-u-r-g-e-o-i-s - ideology in the ranks of the left. First of all, revisionism, but also, Trotskyism, anarchism and social democracy. While this task is far from being completed, we can say that in broad outline, its principal objectives have been accomplished. There does exist today a widely-held critique of the principal errors of these retrograde tendencies. It is also true that these tendencies towards revisionism, Trotskyism, anarchism and social democracy in varying degrees, continue to exercise a dangerous influence on the movement in USA . But these take more of a hidden or indirect form than an explicit attack on the fundamental principles of communism, Marxism, Leninism.
We must also recognize that the whole study group phenomena was itself a significant manifestation of the struggle against revisionism and the other tendencies mentioned. Thousands of people went back to the work of Marx and Lenin - in particular, Lenin - as well as other revolutionary thinkers, precisely because their ideas and discoveries have been abandoned or distorted or slandered by the dominant left tendencies, liberal left tendencies of the 60s.
At the same time, no Marxist-Leninist can be satisfied with the level of understanding reached so far around these questions. All too often, the critique of these tendencies is ritualistic and superficial, making it all the more possible for their ideas to come into the movement again wearing less obvious clothes. A correct definition of our theoretical task in this area, then, is a necessity to deepen our critique of these incorrect tendencies, and again, what are those incorrect tendencies that we need to look for and be aware of constantly on vigilant battle against? Anarchism, revisionism, Trotskyism and social democracy.
A correct definition of our theoretical task, then, is a necessity to deepen our critique of these incorrect tendencies, with particular emphasis on revisionism. Revisionism is the most dangerous enemy. Trotskyism is an enemy. Anarchy is an enemy. Social democracy. But so much revisionism. Left opportunism. A third important theoretical challenge to Marxist-Leninist has been the struggle against what has variously been called dogmatism, left opportunism, and flunkyism in our movement.
This struggle has led to an outright organizational break between those forces upholding a proletarian worker international line and those following an objectively class collaborationist path, based upon their adherence to China ’s foreign policy. But while the international wing of the Marxist-Leninist forces, to its great credit, refused to follow the path that led others to becoming the objective allies of their own bourgeoisie, we cannot say that it has thoroughly resolved some of the important theoretical questions which this struggle brought to the foreground. Chief among these, of course, is an independent Marxist-Leninist analysis of the socialist nations of the world. The greatest enemies of Marxism-Leninism, today, though, is the class collaborationist path based upon the adherence to China’s nationalistic communism, its renegade foreign policy that openly cooperates with US capitalism in spite of the good domestic policies that we have seen in many instances in China. The dire consequences of China’s international line were reason enough to exercise caution in the thesis of capitalist restoration. But this in turn has led to an increasingly embarrassing silence on the question of other socialist nations. It has also led in some quarters to an under-estimation of the role of hegemonist superpower in the world today than can develop in some socialist countries, as well as to let up in the struggle against revisionism any form. That’s why we’re glad to hear that Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and the Republic of Yemen, communist, are assisting in the Red Brigade, not only theory, but practical works, where change is being made. The Christian Democratic Party split by proving to the world that capitalists do not care about their own, like Aldo Moro, five times elected Prime Minister of Italy, who wasn’t worth the substitution or exchange of one humble black or poor socialist political prisoner in a jail. It’s divided a party. It’s brought less dedication of capitalist. It’s brought fearful lack of financial support from financial rich circles to the capitalist, because capitalists are highly narcissistic for the most part, except perhaps those in the Trilateral Commission, who know that they are the greatest war criminals of all, and face an instant justice in any revolution.
A definition of our movement’s principal theoretical task in this area, then, might be the necessity to strengthen our critique of China’s foreign policy from a firm anti-revisionist perspective, guarding especially against a tendency to make right opportunist errors or to adopt an eclectic view which does not sharply differentiate among different incorrect tendencies. A second necessary theoretical task is a summing up of the principal errors made by the principal groups and tendencies who at one time composed the new communist movement. There has been considerable debate as to how this task should be approached. But Mao’s sage advice that the correctness or otherwise of ideological and political line decides everything, offers sound guidance in this respect, in spite of China’s incorrect application of Mao and the terrible, disgraceful way they have treated Mao’s wife [Jiang Qing], who would’ve led China back into the international arena. Border clashes, incidentally, are still continuing along the border of China and the Soviet Union , and China is still very strong on Radio Peiping that nuclear war between USSR and China is unavoidable and is soon forthcoming.
Still, even if this is not our movement’s principal theoretical task, although currently it must be pursued. All that has been mentioned so far is old business, however uncompleted it may be. But something else is now emerging. A new urgency is beginning to make itself felt, although it is barely recognized as such yet. It comes out of the felt needs of the study groups, the settling of accounts with ideological deviations and incorrect lines, and it comes out of the beginning forms of organizations towards a new communist party. And it is this necessity to begin to formulate the rudiments of the general political line on which the new or reconstituted communist party will be founded. Involved in this are the thorough and concrete investigation and analyses of the objective conditions of US monopoly capitalism today, and its interaction with the rest of the world. Our forces must begin to study and make scientific appraisals, and not simply in an agitational way of the current status and long term prospects of the US fascist economy, the bourgeoisie political parties, class relationships and strengths in the USA. Political realities and currents in the working class mean political trends in the movements of the oppressed nationalities, tendencies towards fascism that are so obvious and much more.
Need for analysis of United States workers is desperate. Especially important is an in-depth analysis of the US working class today, with particular attention to the industrial working class, or what we know as the proletariat. Such an analysis must take up the multi-national character of the working class, role of women workers, status of the unemployed, movements toward organizing the unorganized, role of the trade unions and the trade union bureaucracy, and some estimate of the nature of backward consciousness in the working class, particularly in relation to racism that is so pronounced in the working class in USA, and sexism, and their strong currents of anti-communism that is frighteningly, dangerously leading to the destruction of USA. This investigation and analysis is of course only one aspect of the formulation of a general line, and many other questions are involved, including an historical assessment of the communist movement in the United States . Space does not permit a further elaboration at this time of the many specific tasks connected to the development of general political line for a Marxist-Leninist party. Suffice it to say that what is being put forward here is an attempt to give concrete and practical definition to what is meant in saying that theoretical work is primary in our communist, Marxist-Leninist building today. It is primary, no question of that. It is primary.
Comrade Jim Jones, Peoples Temple (Excerpts from transcript of FBI Tape No. 284)
