RURAL PEOPLES PARTY

RPP Restructures According to Juche Idea: Notice of new Official Authorized Website and Red Sun's Day Announcement

2008-04-15T17:02:00.001-07:00

RED SUN'S DAY JUCHE 97: Rural People's Party adopts the Juche Idea as the guiding ideology of the party

Special Section: http://ruralpeople.atspace.org/red_sun_day.htm
New central website: http://ruralpeople.atspace.org
New email: ruralpeople@hush.com

Contact via post: RPP - P.O. Box 84664 - Lexington, SC 29073

Waging Revolution on our own Terms: The American Situation in Context Pt. 2

2008-04-15T16:51:00.000-07:00

Click here for article

Why We Uphold the Rural Aspect: The American Situation in Context Pt. 1

2008-03-23T15:18:00.000-07:00

Issued by the Steering Committee of the Rural People's Party

The dogmatists of all stripes think in a linear fashion. Communists overcome this to think in a dialectic fashion. The dogmatists do not confine themselves to reactionary ideologies, though they are certainly a staple of such ideologies. This dogmatism creeps in amongst communists as well, both open revisionists who revise Marx to the point of destroying Marxism and “hard-line” communists who nonetheless traps themselves in their own dogmas.

How common it is for us to hear the anti-communist dogmatists opinions on communist historical figures! That Lenin was an opportunist in that he ignored Marx’s “law” that revolution can occur only in fully-industrialized capitalist states. That Mao was an opportunist for replacing “workers” with “peasants”. The thinking here is clearly linear… cause and effect (industrial capitalism yields socialism, workers yield revolution). What this ignores is the dialectical contradictions, relations, and interactions. Obviously the USA, which has fully industrialized, has not become socialistic. Obviously its workers have not waged revolutionary struggle. The dialectic concept is to analyze the intermediary between two factors, and what it yields, as much as it is simply make “laws” on two factors. These “laws” are the staples of the dogmatists. These are not laws at all but constrained and incorrect ideas… ones which would make as little sense as using feudal methods of analysis in a capitalist society which has little to no feudal aspects remaining in it. In all this we see that Lenin and Mao were indeed opportunists! In this respect we see Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il as opportunists of the highest sort… opportunists for REVOLUTION! In a dialectic fashion Lenin transcended the petty bourgeois nationalisms which brought him to the conclusion that socialism could spring forth from a world war. In this fashion he saw Russia as the weakest link in the capitalist chain. In this fashion Mao saw the nature of the blank slate of the Chinese peasant classes… the susceptibility they had towards the necessary violent revolution that he needed to wage while the nearly non-existent workers of China had comparatively far lesser potential to wage revolution. When the leaders of the Korean revolution saw the revolutionary potential of a people’s army made of the masses who are independent of bourgeois countries, relations, and classes they saw opportunity for revolution.

It is this striving for revolutionary consciousness which we must embrace, this dialectic fashion which frees us from the linear thinking of dogmatism. This dogmatism will only confine us into rehashing the same arguments for decades at a time, something done constantly in communist circles. This dogmatism will make us as the “communists” who opposed Lenin on the eve of World War to support their own bourgeois governments on the basis of statism and false nationalisms… incapable of seeing where revolution lies and what revolution is. Revolution is neither a dinner party OR is it a process where we replace one linear reality with another. True revolution is a smashing of boundaries, physical and mental. To sustain communism in the world today requires us to break linear thinking, and analyze the situation as previous communists did, as the leaders of the Korean revolution did which ensured that the Korean revolution would survive to this today despite a horrible capitalist encirclement. In this context, as communists striving for revolution in the first-world, where is our “weakest link” in the capitalist chain? Where is our revolutionary potential? The Trotskyists would have us believe the same rural “working class” which votes the Republican party to power are revolutionary. Some Maoists would have us believe liberal intelligentsia in the belly of the state machinery of capitalism are revolutionary.

In analyzing the situation dialectically, we must reject either of these. The question is not so much “where is revolution” as it is analyzing what qualities create revolution and then analyzing the relationship between those qualities and the subjects we seek to wage revolution. Where are capitalist social relations the least ingrained? Where does the capitalist state mold humans the least? What sort of people are oppressed and directly exploited by the capitalist system? What sort of people do not reap the parasitic surplus value extracted from the Third World by US imperialism? Who has the vested interest in demolishing bourgeois superstructure? We ask all communists to ask these questions, and to draw the appropriate conclusions. We have asked ourselves these questions and have come to the conclusion that the answers clearly lie where the bourgeois superstructure has least manifested itself. Specifically, in rural locations… areas removed from the “government” of the bourgeois for the bourgeois. This, of course, does NOT mean rural people are revolutionary simply because they live around trees instead of skyscrapers. Such an idea would revert back to the linear thinking that we seek to obliterate from our minds. Instead, through studying the American situation, we see that what needs to be done is not an embracing of the bourgeois superstructure but rather a rejection of it. As comrades Kim Il Sung and Jim Jones have done in the past specifically, we must gauge where proletarian power resides and how it can be utilized. In doing so, we can draw untapped power from the reservoir that is the rural wasteland in the belly of the beast of US imperialism. Through this we can become a party that not only espouses communism but that lives and enacts real-world socialism.

(Photograph at top taken at CPC, March 2007)

The First-World Fetishism

2008-02-28T17:44:00.000-08:00

There is a principal contradiction lingering in First-World communism… one of a vacillation between first-world and third-world fetishism. On the one hand we have first-world fetishists… the Trotskyist position that upholds that the bourgeois-indoctrinated labor aristocracy which suckles on the surplus profits of an imperialist government is an agent of revolution. This position romanticizes a class which a) tends to despise the "revolutionary" who claims to uphold them and b) upholds many of the pillars of the bourgeois superstructure which feeds them its ill-gotten crumbs. This deviation often believes that counter-revolutionary masses will someday vote communism into power (and thus adopt bourgeois electoral systems as their own, another key symptom of first-world fetishism), surpassing the plurality (50% + 1) threshold demanded by the US electoral system and overtaking the Republican and Democratic parties, after which the bourgeoisie will quietly acquiesce and graciously allow a dictatorship of the proletariat to be lorded over them. The chauvinism here is inherent in the absurdly bloated position given towards the labor aristocracy as a "revolutionary" vanguard.

On the other hand we see the third-world fetishists… who reduce socialist theory to a racialist game of "with us or against us." They forsake the scientific analysis of class structures in favor of generalization based on skin tone or GDP rates. The irony here is that such romanticizations, contrary to being part of petty nationalisms on the part of the "Third-world" peoples being discussed, are done by the very first-worlders who are being painted as the enemy. How often do we see the first-world communist romanticize everything which is "foreign" or "exotic" to him as an extension of his own desire to rub out his bourgeois background? Unfortunately for first-world communism, the answer is "far too often." This tendency to romanticize the "third-world" lends itself to reductionism in the extreme. The racism here is inherent in a quaint form of colonialism, as seeing the "other" as the "other" and nothing more. Under the counter-revolutionary three worlds reductionism no longer does the Iraqi situation differ from the Korean situation which differs from the Angolan situation. They are all lumped into a conglomeration of third-world fetishism, which only serves to destroy the unique revolutionary potential held in each by reducing the situation of each country to a racialist dogmatism. On an intellectual level this tends to lead to an acute obsession with the revolutionary potential of the "other" while totally ignoring the situation pertinent to the supposed revolutionary from the first-world. How often do we see the first-world communist lecture on the dynamics of Nepalese revolution? If only one-tenth of the energy which is spent on directing Nepalese revolution through the voice of enlightened (sarcasm here is emphasized) first-world communism advice was instead spent on directing revolution pertinent to one's own surroundings… we may have some actual revolutionary potential! Actual potential rather than a series of endless internet polemics of first-worlders lecturing third-worlders on how to fulfill their assigned role as saviors of the universe. Actual potential for revolutionary deeds instead of talk… instead of the first-world self-congratulationism on their revolutionary nature which we see so often. Instead of meaningless badges tacked on to whatever sectarianism one subscribes to… a series of intellectual ribbons bestowed from one group upon itself… totally ignoring the fact that no one outside the bourgeois intelligentsia even takes note of these ribbons themselves. The acute contradiction of an implied third-world geopolitical dominance which is directed by the first-world intellectual runs deep in the First-world communist movement.

As first-world communists we must undergo self-criticism to rectify these notions. It is these two fetishes which root our causes in the inert state that they are in at the moment. It is these two fetishes which hamper revolutionary consciousness. It is these two fetishes which instead root us in counter-revolutionary consciousness… to subvert ourselves to first-world dogmatism (whether of the first-world or third-world variety), to concentrate on lecturing revolutionaries on the situation in Angola from the safety of our homes… rather than fight to create change in our own backyards in a tangible and, yes, dangerous way. To denigrate ourselves to being the intelligentsia of the world communism movement usurps proletarian internationalism and replaces it with chauvinist patronism but, above all, it denigrates ourselves and usurps our own revolutionary potential. No longer satisfied with true self-criticism and growth, we instead become complacent to analyze everything but ourselves and our own path to revolution. This is the dogmatism of the worst sort which we must avoid.

There are identical threads which unite both forms of deviations, and unites this first-world/third-world fetishism among first-world communists. One root cause of each is idealism, whether it is to glorify the first-world or the "third-world" at the cost of scientific analysis. One root cause is reductionism, which assumes that the first-world is revolutionary without analyzing deeply… or to assume that everyone from the third-world is the same, without taking into account class structure or the fact that they may know more about the dynamics of the revolution in their own backgrounds than the first-world does. The final root cause is the marriage of revisionism and dogmatism… revisionism of the highest sort in that not only do we usurp revolutionary potential towards creating socialism through class analysis but the worst sort of revisionism in that we give up on the struggle within ourselves! This fetishist replaces real-world action with third-world patronism… all the more ironic when the actual communists of the third-world don't have time for polemic in the do-or-die fight against imperialism and revisionism at large. It is for these reasons that the Rural People's Party upholds the Juche idea, which elucidates the concept that the masses control their own revolution… the masses and not the foreign intelligentsia. It is the Juche idea which rejects the dogmatism and revisionism that has bogged the first-world into an ideological morass which will take self-criticism and true struggle to overcome. As communists we do not shy away from these goals, nor do we succumb to defeatism or liberal pacifism of spirit. As communists we identify these weaknesses to overcome and to revolutionarily smash them to pieces. Self-criticism without self-rectification is simply neuroticism. Revolution starts within ourselves, both on the individual and collective/societal and international levels. As communists who uphold the Juche principle of self-reliance, self-cultivation of revolutionary consciousness, and analysis of the situation in which we find ourselves (both literally ourselves and the environments we live in), we must analyze the hard facts of the First-World which we live in. We must ask the hard questions of how revolution can persist in an era and geography of hegemonic imperialism… in the belly of the beast. We must ask the hard questions of how to set up revolutionary consciousness and social relations in a bourgeois superstructure which will smash any genuinely revolutionary ideal. We must look at the concrete lessons of practicable socialism, as furthered by Jim Jones, and nurtured by the rural areas most removed from bourgeois superstructure. We must ask the tough questions of how to not only talk of revolution but enact revolution, of how to not only parrot the Juche idea (an oxymoron in the true sense!) but how to apply the Juche idea to our own concrete conditions. As Lenin did, we must make our own objective analysis, free of idealism, dogmatism, patronism, and with a dose of self-criticism. If we do all these things, as the Rural People's Party has endeavored to do, we may discover that we need not adopt fetishism to arrive at a revolutionary ideal in the near proximity… both in proximity to our hearts as individuals and in proximity to ourselves geographically. It is high time we lecture ourselves with the same zeal we lecture on the circumstances of revolution around the world… and in doing so we can cultivate true communism!

Rural People’s Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

USSR News Agency article on Peoples Temple

2008-02-28T15:45:00.000-08:00

To the Jungle from the ‘Free World’ -- TASS News Agency, USSR

In the Northwest part of Guyana, in the very heart of the jungle, the small town of Jonestown has been established. It is a town surrounded by croplands cleared out of the vast jungle rain forests. The town and farm are owned by members of the commune consisting of more than one thousands pioneers. They left their motherland because of suppression and as a sign of protest against racial and political discrimination. All the inhabitants of Jonestown are members of the Peoples Temple organization, founded a quarter of a century ago in California. Peoples Temple was originally conceived as a religious organization uniting the lower strata of American society - - white, black, Indian and others - - those who had been denied basic human rights.

Its founder, Rev. Jim Jones, tested all the promised ‘good’ of American democracy. After being sure that his attempts to find justice in America were in vain, Jones called a vanguard of his supporters to leave the ‘Free World’ where they had failed to find a place. ‘I have chosen Guyana,’ Rev. Jim Jones told the TASS correspondent, ‘first of all because this country is socialist oriented and is working towards the establishment of socialism for the most just and human society in the world.’ Peoples Temple expressed its readiness to assist the people of Guyana in their endeavor.

The Parliament of Guyana has given this community a leasehold on 27,000 acres in the Northwest part of the country. The first group of settlers arrived in Guyana in 1974. Each year more and more members of Peoples Temple join the collective: workers, farmers, white collar workers, teachers, lawyers, and other professionals. Among them are many young people who in the United States were refused the right to work.

Today’s Jonestown has neat houses, farm buildings, dining halls, kindergartens, some cottage industries, medical clinics, and a future hospital. The medical personnel give free medical service to not only members of the commune but also to surrounding villagers. Special care is given to the children. There are about 250 children in the town, many of them adopted. No less care is given to the seniors, about 100 of them, in Jonestown. After being in Jonestown, one can hardly believe that everything was created in one or two years. The inhabitants of Jonestown are creative, they love work and they celebrate life. They demonstrate real care and concern for children and seniors alike.

The movies and literature about socialism and socialist countries are very popular among the people of Jonestown. Jim Jones explains that socialism if the only way to realize true civil and human rights and democratic freedoms.

TASS Correspondent Voropaev
Georgetown, Guyana, South America

POWER IS LOVE AND LOVE IS SOCIALISM

2008-02-22T17:24:00.000-08:00

"I’m not going to give up on the power. But do we want the power? We’ve got to meet the conditions. I believe that the power will work, when you meet the conditions. But if you want the power to work through you, you better get the right kind of circuit. And we got wrong kinds of circuits today. We’ve got flimsy little toy switches, and we got little toy electric lighting equipment, but if you want the power, you’d better get the dynamo, and the dynamo is power is love, and love is socialism." - Cde. Jim Jones, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 1977

On "Nine Letters to Our Comrades" by Mike Ely

2008-02-11T19:36:00.000-08:00

Your criticism of Avakian’s personality cult is quite justified. Unlike the revolutionaries in India, Peru, Nepal and the Philippines, his party does not control base areas or run a people’s government, and has never accomplished anything to speak of. Avakian’s inability to make self-criticisms and his self-promotion serve no purpose except to make Maoism look stupid and discredit the aforementioned People’s Wars.

That said, the rest of the letters are a step backwards. Breaking from the RCP provides the opportunity to do what Avakian refused. Namely, to analyze the class structure of the United States and, most importantly, how it has been affected by the influx of super-profits from the Third World, which have only increased since the fall of Soviet social-imperialism. The nine letters do not contain a single sentence of materialist analysis, except at the end where you briefly mention the need to analyze material conditions, but say nothing of substance.

Equally worrying is your silence on Avakian’s blatant euro-American chauvinism, which the RCP applies in its “analysis” of the Iraqi resistance. Avakian and his followers have written numerous articles condemning the anti-imperialist fighters in Iraq. He goes so far as to say-without any evidence-that they reinforce American imperialism even as they militarily defeat the U.S. army and Iraqi puppet police. Instead of exposing the reactionary nature of the “third pole” strategy of the RCP, you compare Avakian to John Brown. That comparison is nonsense because despite his flaws, John Brown fought and died for the masses, whereas Avakian supports a CIA line. *1

Supporting the Muslim national bourgeoisie (although many of the movements the RCP opposes, such as the Iraqi Ba’ath, are not entirely bourgeois) in no way entails endorsing Islam on a philosophical or ideological level anymore than Mao endorsed the Guomindang or Stalin endorsed Winston Churchill. What is needed is the recognition that the Iraqi national resistance represents the Iraqi people. Any self-proclaimed anti imperialist who does not support anti-imperialist movements is not an anti-imperialist. To truly rupture from Avakian’s utopian “new syntheses” it is necessary to reject his chauvinism.

Your letter either ignores many glaring errors of the RCP or fails to get at the source. The reason for their vacillation between trade unionist economism in the RU period and their current strategic bankruptcy combined with blind promotion of Avakian is due to a lack of materialist analysis. Both Nine Letters and the RCP proceed from the assumption that the United States is a majority proletarian nation, and then formulate an ideology and strategy. Needless to say, this is diametrically opposed to dialectical materialism.

Their “leftist” opposition to the anti-imperialist struggles in Iraq and Palestine are also due to a false assumption that most euro-americans are exploited. When the RCP says that political Islam reinforces imperialism, it is inconceivable except when one considers U.S. public opinion, which is opposed to all national liberation struggles. The RCP seems to think that if it weren’t for Islamic fundamentalism, the exploited American workers would have risen up and smashed imperialism.

I will not reiterate the economic analysis of Lenin, Stalin, the Maoist Internationalist Movement and others that demonstrates that the imperialist-country workers have no economic interest in overthrowing imperialism. It cannot be stressed enough; to agitate for the economic demands of the majority in the U.S. is to support the super exploitation of the third world. However, your letters advocate more alliances with the labor aristocracy, the outright abandonment of the lumpen and subordinating the interests of the oppressed nations. If anything, your letter seems to criticize Avakian for not enough economism. How could agitating for the economic demands of a class that already lives off of stolen super profits possibly lead in a direction other than social imperialism?

Rural People’s Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

http://www.freewebs.com/ruralmaoism

*1) In her book Who Paid the Piper?: the CIA and the Cultural Cold War, Frances Stonor Saunders describes the CIA’s cold-war tactic of financing anyone who claimed to oppose both Stalinism and imperialism. From this it can be inferred that groups that claim to find a “third pole” are acting as CIA agents, whether they know it or not.

On the Auspicious February 16th Holiday

2008-02-10T17:43:00.000-08:00

The hearts of the Central Committee of the Rural People’s Party yearn with great devotion for the glorious 2.16 Holiday, as we are uplifted hand-in-hand with the Korean people and the international independence, revolutionary national and communist forces all over the globe at the great heroic example of Supreme Commander KIM JONG IL. We know that on auspicious Mt. Paektu that the revolutionary masses of Korea will pay their respects to General KIM JONG IL at the place of his birth, the Secret Camp on Mt. Paektu, amongst the forests and glorious mountains. On this yearly pilgrimage to this site of much revolutionary activity of an anti-Japanese guerilla Korean independence nature, masses of the KPA soldiers, party members, women, youth and elders will march with red banners of Great Leader KIM IL SUNG, Dear Leader KIM JONG IL, flags of the Worker’s Party of Korea and revolutionary slogans through the snow covered mountain paths. Beautiful children raised according to the highest ethics of communism will lay flowers at the base of the cabin of General KIM JONG IL’s birth.

Every year we can mark the auspicious occasion of following the leadership of Leader KIM JONG IL. This is not just a celebration for Koreans but it is a celebration for all people over the entire world because the Leader KIM JONG IL teaches us all that we must build communism and follow the path of Juche (encompassing self-reliance, building revolution according to the material conditions of one’s own country and independence and creativity in revolutionary methods) enforced by Songun (which sets up the nation’s independence as an invincible fortress against imperialists, reactionaries and foreign aggression of any kind) for the emancipation of all peoples of the world from oppression and for enacting socialist construction and forming the masses into a great revolutionary collective enshrining the highest principles of communism. There are very real reasons for mankind to love the exploits of Comrade Leader KIM JONG IL and hold dear the ideology that he espouses, which is enshrined in the socialist fairylands of the Korean countryside and the monuments of progress that is Pyongyang and the cities and the happiness of the entire masses of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea under Comrade Leader KIM JONG IL’s leadership.

We celebrate in specific here in North America on this Juche 97 2.16 Holiday the recent formation of the US Preparatory Committee for the Celebration of February 16th and Red Sun’s Day. We support this glorious work for the celebration of 2.16 and Red Sun’s Day worldwide and remind the readership that boundless reverence for KIM JONG IL is the wish of masses, who are the subject of communism, and who are destined for mastery of the earth against imperialism and bourgeois reaction according to the historical trajectory of humankind toward communism. On 2.16 in the DPRK the sounds of ten of millions strong expressing devotion toward Supreme Commander KIM JONG IL can be heard echoing across the country. Let us also embrace this joy of his Songun revolutionary leadership and celebrate enthusiastically the 2.16 Holiday!

Central Committee
Rural People’s Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

US, a hotbed of nuclear war

2008-02-05T21:10:00.000-08:00

US, a hotbed of nuclear war
Press Release of the AINDF Spokesman

January 29 marks 50 years since the US shipped nuclear weapons into south Korea.

After the ceasefire, the US reorganized the 7th US Division in south Korea into an atomic division and massively reinforced 280mm atomic gun battalion, Honest John atomic guided missile battalion, Nike Hercules and Hawk to south Korea.

The US, which had expedited to establish nuclear base of the US Forces in south Korea, officially declared the introduction of nukes on January 29, 1958.

This is an intolerable criminal act to inflict nuclear holocaust upon the Korean nation.

Despite strong opposition at home and abroad, the US established nuclear bases across south Korea and massively introduced nuclear weapons into south Korea in the middle of the 1970s. Thus, south Korea had turned into a nuclear arsenal housing more than 1,000 nukes in the Far East.

In addition, the US has ceaselessly conducted a large-scale joint military drills including “Ulji Focus Lens” and “Foal Eagle”, promising the nuclear umbrella to the pro-US dictatorial regime, thus, aggravating the situation on the Korean Peninsula.

It is well known to the world that the US has made frantic efforts to ignite a war on the Korean Peninsula, renewing war plans against north Korea such as “OPLAN-5027”, clamoring about “Nuclear Posture Review”, and designating the north as the target of nuclear preemptive strike. Facts prove that the US produced the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula and turned south Korea into a nuclear arsenal and is going to unleash a nuclear war in the Korean Peninsula, gravely threatening peace and security of the Korean nation.

The US much-touted dialogue and negotiation are nothing but a sophism to conceal its true nature and justify its war maneuvers against north Korea. History and reality prove that the US nuclear war ambition against north Korea remains unchanged and the Korean people cannot escape from the danger of nuclear war as long as the US army remains in south Korea and pursues nuclear war moves.

Yankee aggressors are a hotbed of nuclear war and the root cause of misfortune and misery of the Korean people.

Broad segments of people in south Korea should intensify the struggle for peace against the US and war to withdraw various kinds of nukes that inflict nuclear holocaust upon the Korean nation and the US troops, a hotbed of war, from south Korea.

Spokesman of the AINDF (Anti-Imperialist National Democratic Front)

________________________________________________________

Note from the Rural People's Party Central Committee:

We ask all comrades to pay close attention to this recent message from the Spokesman of the Anti-Imperialist National Democratic Front of South Korea.

US Hegemonic Imperialism continues to quake in fear at the "threat" they perceive the independence-minded self-reliant communism of the Democratic People's of Republic of Korea poses to it's bisected (at the force of US arms) national comrades to the south and thus continues their campaign to keep south Korea shackled economically and politically to the noxious US Imperialism at the threat of guns, bombs and invasion troop personnel. This is but one more example in the long strand of proof that US Imperialism has no concern for human life when it comes to the need to fuel capitalist hegemony at the expense of the world's people.

Due to their anti-communist crusade, fear, paranoia and sick mindset, the US Imperialists, who are spoiling for catastrophe always, have continued to make the Korean peninsula a place consumed with the threat of nuclear devastation.

The Central Committee of the Rural People's Party roundly damns any timidity in reaction to this campaign of American-sponsored death against a sovereign people. We condemn the filthy actions of US Hegemonic Imperialism in Korea and remind our comrades inside the belly of the beast that it is our duty to stand in lockstep solidarity with the south Korean people because their enemy is OUR enemy. Death to imperialism! All glories to the internationalist proletariat!

Central Committee
Rural People's Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

HE’S A FORTUNATE SOUTHERNER, HE CHOSE SOCIALISM OVER U.S. IMPERIALISM

2008-01-27T14:29:00.000-08:00

James Dresnok defected to the DPRK in 1963 and chose socialism over imperialism.

RPP Central Committee sends it's warmest regards and greetings to this native Virginian who has lived and worked in the DPRK under the shining banner of Great Leader Kim Il Sung for over forty years. Let his testimony be set in the hearts of ALL in North America! Follow the path of KIM IL SUNG!

Central Committee
Rural People's Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

COMRADE JIM JONES: THE NATURE OF THEORETICAL TASK

2008-01-20T08:30:00.000-08:00

“Therefore, while study may be the principal theoretical task before we who are communist at a particular period, this must be a relatively brief period, not only- not- not that study comes to an end, but after an initial period, the study of classical Marxism-Leninism must become subordinate to other theoretical and practical work, revolutionary achievements, like we are now seeing in Jonestown. Produce instead in talk. There are so many communists that we see in the United States that never produce anything in substance.” - Comrade Jim Jones, Peoples Temple

Important commentary essential to the understanding of Marxist dialectic materialism is essential. The nature of theoretical task. Quotations will not do it. If they did, we would undoubtedly have won socialism in United States and all over the world by now. For example, every US Marxist-Leninist is undoubtedly familiar with Lenin’s famous comment: without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement. Not too many people recall as readily the sentence following that, in which Vladimir Lenin contrasts this point of view with those who have an infatuation for the narrowest forms of practical activity, to which in our present circumstances, we might also warn against an infatuation for the narrowest forms of theoretical activity.

Theory is not spontaneous. Of course, making a revolution is in the first place and primarily a practical activity. Only religious and secular mystics believe that the revolution is in your head. Revolution is a struggle for power, and this is a most practical activity involving large numbers of people taking actions and employing force. Nevertheless, that revolutionary activity will not succeed. Indeed, those engaged will not even have a clear idea of their objectives, unless the process is guided by scientific socialism. Scientific theory manifesting itself in a political program and a strategic plan.

But where will all this come from? A scientific theory capable of giving intelligent direction to the activity of millions and millions will not develop spontaneously out of daily life, no matter how much in a condition of oppression that daily life might be. In fact, the very state of oppression in all phases of the life of your citizen prevents correct theory from emerging, because any deep going plans that embraces all aspects of social life requires rigorous investigation and debate before it can be conceived. And wide application if it is to be properly tested. And the conditions of life among the most oppressed work against their developing the time- these conditions of life among the most oppressed work against their developing in time. Developing the time, the energy, the faculties and facilities to enable them to do it on their own. Nor will the scientific theory for revolution emerge out of the disparate groups of intellectuals consulting with each other on the basis of vaguely-defined common assumptions or a general agreement on modus operandi, or- that is, methodology. We can say that only a Marxist-Leninist party can produce the basic principles, long-term strategy and political program which might deserve to be called scientific theory, but for us today, this really begs the question, since the task of bringing that party into being remains before us.

What then is a strategic concept that should guide communists in this period when the forming of a Marxist-Leninist movement must be the objective that guides the political work in USA particularly, where there is very little Marxist-Leninist substance. We have said that the principal aspect of this work at this time is theoretical. This is true. But the formulation is rapidly becoming inadequate. Now we must begin to define more precisely the nature of those theoretical tasks. In the process, we may help overcome some of the mystique that tends to surround theory in our movement and locate our theoretical work in a more practical context. It should also be emphasized that in locating theoretical work as a principle at the present time, we in no way rule out the necessity for ongoing practical political activity. The spontaneous movements of struggle among the masses, as well as the practical, even though limited initiatives, that communist groups can undertake at this time likewise provide a school for the training and development of a communist cadre.

First of course is a question of study. Marxist-Leninism is a worldview embracing the realm of traditional philosophy, human history, political economy and revolutionary change. And we must understand that in Jonestown the importance of developing this communist philosophy. It views the world dialectically, and not empirically. What do I mean? That is, it looks at all phenomena in their motion and not simply as they are at a given moment. As developed by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao and many others, Marxist-Leninism has been a way of both understanding the world and changing it. In fact, many of the richest contributions to the body of thought called Marxism-Leninism have been developed in the course of urgent, violent revolutionary struggle. Knowledge and mastery of this great theoretical legacy should be an objective of all Marxist revolutionaries. Classical theory will not solve the problems of the present, but it provides a theoretical underpinning for understanding contemporary phenomena and also supplies the developing cadre with the ideological equipment they will need in order to develop their own necessary theoretical work.

To strive for knowledge and mastery of Marxism-Leninism, however, is a lifelong task. Likewise, there will always be new people coming into the movement with only a limited knowledge of Marxist-Leninist theory, like we have in our own movement. Some who have even an idealistic, impractical and even a mystical approach to Marxism, which is not substance, and will always fail one in a revolutionary time of crisis. One can go too far into the realms of violence without thinking. A good balance of thinking and violence seems to be taking place in Italy with the Red Brigade, brilliant thinking that invades the insurance companies and gets information as to who the richest people in Italy are that are violating their own capitalist laws by investing abroad for insurance policies, then knowing who they can get - some are not kidnapped, they’re just intimidated by a note, we know where your daughter is, we know what nursery school, we know your plans, and so many rich people, really not that concerned about capitalism, other than their own selfishness, which is a contradiction that will bring capitalism down, actually contribute to the Red Brigade just to get keep the Red Brigade off their ass, as it were. Well, we’ve got to get knowledge, and mastery of Marxist-Leninism. It’s a lifelong task. Likewise, there will always be new people coming into the movement with only a limited knowledge of Marxist-Leninist theory. Therefore, while study may be the principal theoretical task before we who are communist at a particular period, this must be a relatively brief period, not only- not- not that study comes to an end, but after an initial period, the study of classical Marxism-Leninism must become subordinate to other theoretical and practical work, revolutionary achievements, like we are now seeing in Jonestown. Produce instead in talk. There are so many communists that we see in the United States that never produce anything in substance.

Marxist-Leninist organizations. Is the study of Marxism-Leninism today therefore the principal theoretical task of the communist? Although it was for several years, we must say that this is no longer the case. Evidence for this is to be found in the fact that the study group form has, by in large, become outmoded in the movement. Study groups, of course, continue to exist and should, particularly in Jonestown at the end of the work day, so we know what we are fighting for. And new ones are constantly coming into being. While this was a new and rising phenomena of a few years ago, it is no longer the case. Today the new and rising phenomena is in organizations of Marxist-Leninist. Some of these are national organizations, some local, but it is obvious that there are thousands of Marxist-Leninists in the United States who are now demanding a higher organizational form than the study group. Hopefully, however, systematic and guided study of Marxism-Leninism will go on in these organizations so that there can really be a strong communist movement, as also there must be a strong socialist movement and a strong free trade union movement, if fascism and genocide, eventual nuclear war, is to at all, by any chance be hoped to be stopped, and there’s no chance - not hardly a snowball’s chance in hell, particularly, that nuclear war can be stopped.

Another critical theoretical task before the Marxist-Leninist has been the necessity to draw the lines of ideological demarcation between themselves and various expression of bourgeois - it’s b-o-u-r-g-e-o-i-s - ideology in the ranks of the left. First of all, revisionism, but also, Trotskyism, anarchism and social democracy. While this task is far from being completed, we can say that in broad outline, its principal objectives have been accomplished. There does exist today a widely-held critique of the principal errors of these retrograde tendencies. It is also true that these tendencies towards revisionism, Trotskyism, anarchism and social democracy in varying degrees, continue to exercise a dangerous influence on the movement in USA . But these take more of a hidden or indirect form than an explicit attack on the fundamental principles of communism, Marxism, Leninism.

We must also recognize that the whole study group phenomena was itself a significant manifestation of the struggle against revisionism and the other tendencies mentioned. Thousands of people went back to the work of Marx and Lenin - in particular, Lenin - as well as other revolutionary thinkers, precisely because their ideas and discoveries have been abandoned or distorted or slandered by the dominant left tendencies, liberal left tendencies of the 60s.

At the same time, no Marxist-Leninist can be satisfied with the level of understanding reached so far around these questions. All too often, the critique of these tendencies is ritualistic and superficial, making it all the more possible for their ideas to come into the movement again wearing less obvious clothes. A correct definition of our theoretical task in this area, then, is a necessity to deepen our critique of these incorrect tendencies, and again, what are those incorrect tendencies that we need to look for and be aware of constantly on vigilant battle against? Anarchism, revisionism, Trotskyism and social democracy.

A correct definition of our theoretical task, then, is a necessity to deepen our critique of these incorrect tendencies, with particular emphasis on revisionism. Revisionism is the most dangerous enemy. Trotskyism is an enemy. Anarchy is an enemy. Social democracy. But so much revisionism. Left opportunism. A third important theoretical challenge to Marxist-Leninist has been the struggle against what has variously been called dogmatism, left opportunism, and flunkyism in our movement.

This struggle has led to an outright organizational break between those forces upholding a proletarian worker international line and those following an objectively class collaborationist path, based upon their adherence to China ’s foreign policy. But while the international wing of the Marxist-Leninist forces, to its great credit, refused to follow the path that led others to becoming the objective allies of their own bourgeoisie, we cannot say that it has thoroughly resolved some of the important theoretical questions which this struggle brought to the foreground. Chief among these, of course, is an independent Marxist-Leninist analysis of the socialist nations of the world. The greatest enemies of Marxism-Leninism, today, though, is the class collaborationist path based upon the adherence to China’s nationalistic communism, its renegade foreign policy that openly cooperates with US capitalism in spite of the good domestic policies that we have seen in many instances in China. The dire consequences of China’s international line were reason enough to exercise caution in the thesis of capitalist restoration. But this in turn has led to an increasingly embarrassing silence on the question of other socialist nations. It has also led in some quarters to an under-estimation of the role of hegemonist superpower in the world today than can develop in some socialist countries, as well as to let up in the struggle against revisionism any form. That’s why we’re glad to hear that Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and the Republic of Yemen, communist, are assisting in the Red Brigade, not only theory, but practical works, where change is being made. The Christian Democratic Party split by proving to the world that capitalists do not care about their own, like Aldo Moro, five times elected Prime Minister of Italy, who wasn’t worth the substitution or exchange of one humble black or poor socialist political prisoner in a jail. It’s divided a party. It’s brought less dedication of capitalist. It’s brought fearful lack of financial support from financial rich circles to the capitalist, because capitalists are highly narcissistic for the most part, except perhaps those in the Trilateral Commission, who know that they are the greatest war criminals of all, and face an instant justice in any revolution.

A definition of our movement’s principal theoretical task in this area, then, might be the necessity to strengthen our critique of China’s foreign policy from a firm anti-revisionist perspective, guarding especially against a tendency to make right opportunist errors or to adopt an eclectic view which does not sharply differentiate among different incorrect tendencies. A second necessary theoretical task is a summing up of the principal errors made by the principal groups and tendencies who at one time composed the new communist movement. There has been considerable debate as to how this task should be approached. But Mao’s sage advice that the correctness or otherwise of ideological and political line decides everything, offers sound guidance in this respect, in spite of China’s incorrect application of Mao and the terrible, disgraceful way they have treated Mao’s wife [Jiang Qing], who would’ve led China back into the international arena. Border clashes, incidentally, are still continuing along the border of China and the Soviet Union , and China is still very strong on Radio Peiping that nuclear war between USSR and China is unavoidable and is soon forthcoming.

Still, even if this is not our movement’s principal theoretical task, although currently it must be pursued. All that has been mentioned so far is old business, however uncompleted it may be. But something else is now emerging. A new urgency is beginning to make itself felt, although it is barely recognized as such yet. It comes out of the felt needs of the study groups, the settling of accounts with ideological deviations and incorrect lines, and it comes out of the beginning forms of organizations towards a new communist party. And it is this necessity to begin to formulate the rudiments of the general political line on which the new or reconstituted communist party will be founded. Involved in this are the thorough and concrete investigation and analyses of the objective conditions of US monopoly capitalism today, and its interaction with the rest of the world. Our forces must begin to study and make scientific appraisals, and not simply in an agitational way of the current status and long term prospects of the US fascist economy, the bourgeoisie political parties, class relationships and strengths in the USA. Political realities and currents in the working class mean political trends in the movements of the oppressed nationalities, tendencies towards fascism that are so obvious and much more.

Need for analysis of United States workers is desperate. Especially important is an in-depth analysis of the US working class today, with particular attention to the industrial working class, or what we know as the proletariat. Such an analysis must take up the multi-national character of the working class, role of women workers, status of the unemployed, movements toward organizing the unorganized, role of the trade unions and the trade union bureaucracy, and some estimate of the nature of backward consciousness in the working class, particularly in relation to racism that is so pronounced in the working class in USA, and sexism, and their strong currents of anti-communism that is frighteningly, dangerously leading to the destruction of USA. This investigation and analysis is of course only one aspect of the formulation of a general line, and many other questions are involved, including an historical assessment of the communist movement in the United States . Space does not permit a further elaboration at this time of the many specific tasks connected to the development of general political line for a Marxist-Leninist party. Suffice it to say that what is being put forward here is an attempt to give concrete and practical definition to what is meant in saying that theoretical work is primary in our communist, Marxist-Leninist building today. It is primary, no question of that. It is primary.

Comrade Jim Jones, Peoples Temple (Excerpts from transcript of FBI Tape No. 284)

Songun Conference 2007

2008-01-13T09:36:00.000-08:00

Anti-Imperialist Al-Qassam Martyrs

2007-12-24T12:52:00.000-08:00

Two members of the Hamas Al-Qassam Brigades were martyred on the morning of December 24th, 2007 when Israeli occupational forces launched missiles at the Al-Bureij refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip. The central party apparatus of the Rural People's Party (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) expresses it's deep condolences to the families of the martyred operatives and our comrades are strengthened in knowing that the strong anti-occupation, anti-imperialist and national liberation forces all over Palestine will not stand down in the face of the oppressors in Israel who always struggle against oppressed nation liberation hand-in-hand with the forces of hegemonic U.S. Imperialism.

As labor aristocrats and bourgeois all over the united snakkkes settle down into the "Holiday Season" we ask our comrades to view the inspirational video included above on the Al-Qassam Rocket and to become unsettled.

Become unsettled with the filth within this enemy Amerikkkan state, become unsettled with the great solidarity between hegemonic U.S. Imperialism and the Zionist entity occupying Palestine at this time, become unsettled with capitulation and bourgeois apologism within the ranks of FW communism.

We call upon all comrades to stand with a raised fist of defiance in comradeship with the principled anti-imperialism of Palestinian liberation, for their enemy is also our enemy. As a new year dawns we call upon all comrades to dedicate and rededicate themselves to the most important task at hand for all principled communists and anti-imperialists: waging fierce class struggle against bourgeois reaction and all forces of imperialism and oppression. Remember the martyrs of Al-Qassam! Death, death, death to imperialism!

Central Committee
Rural People's Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

News source: http://www.turkishweekly.net/news.php?id=51099

The Rural Collective: Issue Three Available Now!

2007-12-24T12:10:00.000-08:00

"The existing social order must by completely destroyed and a planned economy and worker's dictatorship established."

Each and every issue of The Rural Collective is designed to be utilized as a complete initial introduction to the Rural People's Party (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) for cadre recruitment and propaganda purposes and thus, as always, this issue contains the following fundamental party documents: An introduction to the RPP, Program of the Maoist Internationalist Movement & Programme for the Creation and Cultivation of the Proletarian State (from the RPP Central Committee.)

Other articles in this issue include: Breaking Down the Four Olds, Setting up the Four News (from the RPP CC), RPP on the Juche Idea, A Community Without Elitism, The Opiates of the Masses by MZD03, On the Occassion of CPK Foundation Day, Programa Para La Creacion Y La Cultivacion Del Estado Proletario, beautiful revolutionary illustrations and more!

Contact for a free issue by writing to us at:

Rural People's Party
P.O. Box 84664
Lexington, SC 29073
United States

BREAKING DOWN THE FOUR OLDS, SETTING UP THE FOUR NEWS

2007-11-30T19:20:00.000-08:00

(Above photograph taken at the RPP Central People's Commune)

It cannot be stressed enough to all comrades that we, as communists, stand against individualism and private property. Why not phrase this as "bourgeois individualism" or "bourgeois private property"? That is because there is no "proletarian individualism" to counter bourgeois individualism - this is because the proletariat shuns individualism and embraces collectivism. How does humanity go forward toward communism? In order to acheive this, we have to do just as the Red Guards of China under Chairman Comrade Mao Zedong did and smash the four olds: Old Custom, Old Culture, Old Habits, and Old Ideas. Smash means just that: smash, eliminate. As self-critical Maoists, we have to struggle to smash all bourgeois elements inside us. As critical Maoists, we have to struggle to smash any bourgeois elements that arise in the party. If there is to be a real vanguard built, there must be practical steps taken and serious application of Leninist and Maoist organizational principles executed in the flesh. We have to smash the old and build the new.

We must have a physical infrastructure. We must have a practical organizational life that guards against bourgeois tendencies, because only with genuine communists can we struggle toward genuine communism. This applies to anti-imperialism as well. What makes the most pointed attack against imperialism? The dregs of self-satisfied bourgeois apologism in their loose schizo-capitalist sense of being "anti" this or that, or the snarling attack of the class-conscious Maoist inflamed with intense class hatred against the Dictatorship of the Bourgeois? Existing in the belly of hegemonic U.S. imperialism we have to be hateful, we have to be clandestine, we have to be organized and we have to be willing to live under democratic centralism on the party and cell level. All members of the RPP know that all members can live at party headquarters and build the emerging Central People's Commune under democratic centralism, making Marxism-Leninism-Maoism effectively the epicentre of their lives to which they are totally dedicated. Non-members are invited to contact the RPP and inquire as to visiting, prospective residence and Maoist study, criticism, self-criticism and thought reform at the Central People's Commune. We as Maoists must struggle to build up Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in reality and not simply on the cerebral level.

On a direct level we need to campaign for "Breaking down the four olds, setting up the four news." As dialectical materialists we are not sentimentalists, we are not subjective individualists, we are not conservatives for the old... Instead, we realize the trajectory of life on planet earth as it unfolds according to dialectical materialist principles. We seperate on two-line struggle with no quarter the demarcation between hegemonic imperialism and the oppressed, between bourgeois and proletarian, between revolutionary and counter-revolutionary. If communism is to be struggled for then we must be willing to commit our entire lives to communism and criticize anything that is kept "outside" of communism, for that too must be absorbed and assimilated into our communist struggle if we all are to become part and parcel of a disciplined machine to smash the bourgeoisie for eternity.

Central Committee
Rural People's Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

The Opiates of the Masses

2007-11-15T16:47:00.000-08:00

“Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people. The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions. The criticism of religion is, therefore, in embryo, the criticism of that vale of tears of which religion is the halo.” - Marx, Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right

Marx stated that religion acted as the opium of the people. What is the context for this statement? By the above we can see religion as an expression of pain, correlating with the usage of opium for the treatment of pain which was common when Marx wrote this. In that sense we can see religion as the idealistic escape for the people, a people who are stripped of their dignity and power in this world and as such are promised dignity and power in the next world in exchange for servitude. It is the Marxist position that if you remove the horrific conditions which necessitate such a need for an escape such as religion, you will obviate the conditions which foment reactionary religious ideals in the first place. In other words, you attack capitalism (and therefore the “real suffering”) and the expression of that suffering (the opium) will be unnecessary.

Of course there is another meaning for an opiate of the masses. That would be the nature of a drug capable of altering consciousness, of taking the user to another mental state. In this sense all idealisms, whether they be religious or utopian-Trotskyist currents common in FW communist circles, are indicative of such a use of opium.

The political superstructure is everywhere and is everything. When someone pays for sex with money, it is called prostitution. When the capitalist superstructure necessitates spending money on a date with the expectation of sexual favors, it is called date etiquette. Both are a side consequence of the commoditization of human interaction, in this case between a man and woman (whose sexuality is being commoditized). When a socialist society seeks to create music which reinforces a proletarian spirit, it is called propaganda. When a capitalist society churns out countless acts which emphasize the same individualist forms of freedom, reduce all artforms to a commodity, and even reduce musicality to a set number of musical modes and patterns… it is called pop-culture. This, too, is a part of the political (bourgeois) superstructure. When the history in school is the history as taught through the eyes of oppressors… this too is political. When the nature of education is to churn out human capital (in other words, preparing worker bees for their careers) for bourgeois society this too is political. The way we speak to one another, the way labor is valued, the values society propagates… all these are political. Most importantly, without exception, every single one of these qualities is bourgeois (in the first-world). The bourgeois dictatorship, which has existed and solidified itself well over a century in the first-world is more totalitarian than any socialist system today. Is it any wonder that in a world of bourgeois art, bourgeois social relations, bourgeois means of production, and bourgeois culture that more than ninety-nine percent of the voting electorate favor liberal-democratic politics? Is this freedom? Or is this the natural result of the dog which is trained to sit then sitting and chalking that up to “free will”? More importantly… what do first-world communists who get less than 1% of 1% of the vote expect to do under these conditions? Will a communist candidate be elected from within a bourgeois superstructure in the 2008 elections? The Trotskyists of course would assert such a position… not realizing that to apply liberalist/pluralist standards towards non-liberalist/communist ends is absurd. You can’t defeat the bourgeois by playing by bourgeois standards.

Of course there is enough criticism to be labeled at us Maoists as well. Even self-described Maoists, while technically well-read on Maoist abstracts, cannot divorce themselves from the bourgeois reality they are submerged in. Their interests in historic Maoism may even be strong… but living in a bourgeois world with bourgeois superstructure around them may blind them to a Maoist reality in practice. This bourgeois superstructure is the true opium… one so strong and so totalitarian that the drug-induced haze that has lasted much longer than we have lived or that our parents have lived or their parents have lived is not easily escaped by any means. Of course this dynamic was not always present, and it took time for the capitalist dynamic to totally supplant the feudal dynamic which came before it. So too must this take place with a socialist dynamic. This was the understanding of the Maoist concept of Cultural Revolution… that socialism had to materialize in reality and not just words… in totality and not just government. To do otherwise would be like assuming that to remove armor from knights would be enough to make the transition from feudalism to capitalism. If the masses are socialist by their very nature the society can solidify a socialist reality. After all, leaders perish and governments wither. The superstructure is far more permanent. This, too, was an impetus behind the Cultural Revolution… to insure that even with the materialization of a bourgeois within the party that socialism will be strong enough to transcend the frailties of the temporary political infrastructure which governs the people. Comrade Pol Pot knew this lesson well when the Super Great Leap Forward was instituted. So did Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il when the ambitious project to imbue all of society with the Juche idea was undertaken.

This lesson is crucial to insuring that socialism does not rest merely on the upper echelons of government. After all, the frailties of the Soviet Union gave way to the revisionism of Khrushchev, who sought to betray and repudiate the vision of socialism under the guise of tearing Stalin apart on a personal level, and who sought to transform the Soviet Union towards capitalism and turn it into an imperialist rivalry to the United States rather than a socialist defender against the United States imperialists. The same can be seen in socialist Albania, where Alia dismantled the socialist state in favor of open revisionism. In both Russia and Albania full-fledged capitalism was later instituted… under Yeltsin and Berisha. It is important to remember BOTH of these men were members of the Communist Party! Kim Jong Il pointed out a great truth in asserting that socialistic loyalty shows itself not in times of ease but in times of stress, and he understood that trust should be placed in the remolded, revolutionized masses rather than an entrenched nomenklatura which can house hidden bourgeoisie at any given moment.

Nowhere were these aforementioned lessons of a necessary socialist dynamic more true than with the Peoples’ Temple in the United States, the most advanced communist vanguard in the first-world. Here we have an example of a communist group within the most hegemonic, powerful imperialist bourgeois aggressor on the planet… the USA. Under the condition of living in such a nation, scientifically and pragmatically speaking we as communists must judge the proper avenue. Is it to foment intelligentsia-based discussions on abstract Marxist humanism from a campus university? Is it to commoditize Che Guevara in order to create an individualist badge of group membership for those alienated from the system who nonetheless operate entirely from within that same system? Is it to strive to make sure the communist party overtakes the Republicans and Democrats in upcoming elections? In reality all of these make the critical error of criticism of the bourgeois dictatorship while being submerged in a bourgeois superstructure. The Marxist college professor is busy churning out degrees for students to be incorporated into the bourgeois world of commoditization. The alienated suburban youth individualist who wears the Guevara t-shirt and who seeks rebellion is living in the belly of the very culture and society they claim to oppose. The FW communists, for all their talk about the oppressed, are on average the least likely people to encounter the oppressed. The oppressed on the other hand are the most likely to embrace the “vale of tears” and the opium to escape the conditions of being oppressed, chewed up, and spit out as the pits of a bourgeois superstructure. The Peoples’ Temple, again, realized this. The Peoples’ Temple is revolutionary in that it correctly analyzed all these conditions. The conditions for where truly revolutionary potential in American society resides. The conditions for nurturing that revolutionary potential in a socialistic sense. The conditions for surviving in a hegemonic world in the belly of the beast of world imperialism. The Peoples’ Temple did all of this. As a self-criticism towards the general communist movement, we can see just how RARE this is in today's communist movement.

The conditions for where the revolutionary potential lies is dependent on circumstance. Marx saw the industrial proletariat as the oppressed who could throw off the shackles of bourgeois dictatorship. Lenin took the current conditions into account when he correctly analyzed that the World War was an opportunity for the proletariat and that the weakest link in the capitalist chain (Imperial Russia) was ripe for revolution. The orthodox Marxists,
dogmatic in their ways, accused Lenin of heresy... but Lenin was correct. Mao correctly surmised that the peasants, who were political blank slates, were the most appropriate vehicles for revolution in mid-20th century China. Despite the fact the industrial proletariat were numerically insignificant in China, dogmatists then accused Mao of heresy. Mao was correct, and the rural peasantry of China eventually encircled the anti-communist forces and created a momentous socialist revolution. Yet again we must now analyze the conditions of America. Conditions of hegemonic imperialism, bourgeois totalitarian superstructure, geopolitical domination, and a massive labor aristocracy which reaps benefit from the exploitation of the third-world. As with Lenin and Mao before him, Jim Jones correctly surmised that the revolutionary people would be of the most oppressed in this
superstructure… the dispossessed, the poor, those of the Black Nation (especially in the South), those most removed from the bourgeois superstructure. These lessons were correctly developed by the Black Panthers (under Maoist leaders such as Huey Newton) to an extent as well. Again, we can imagine the dogmatists coming to criticize. “What about the Yale intelligentsia? What about the GM employee? These are just lumpen!” Again the dogmatists will not analyze conditions, but rather take preconceived notions and apply them across the board. This is incompatible with Marxist science. This will lead to both dogmatism and revisionism.

Jim Jones not only reached out to the oppressed, and not only did he have real-world experience which is a thousand times more valuable than abstract intelligentsia posturing… but he knew the conditions under which he was operating. He knew the opiates he was fighting… both the bourgeois superstructure opiates flowing through American veins and the religious illusions which accompany them. He used knowledge of both to cultivate revolutionary consciousness. The Peoples’ Temple was a genuine vanguard of the revolutionary potential. The Peoples’ Temple correct analyzed the condition for nurturing this revolutionary consciousness. The conditions under which one was supplanting bourgeois social relations with socialistic social relations, and replacing the bourgeois family with a socialist family, and replacing individualist tendencies with collectivist tendencies. This was done not only on a theoretical but a practical level… something sorely missing as a qualification of the vast majority of first-world communists (and this includes first-world Maoists). This was materialized as reality by the time of Guyana. Which of course brings us to the last of three conditions… not only the conditions of where revolutionary potential lies and how to cultivate it but under what conditions it is being done. The answer to this of course was that Jones was operating against US imperialism, and that only by creating independent institutions of, for, and by the oppressed could the oppressed escape oppression by the oppressors. The alternative is to hope for a communist president via the ballot box. The alternative is to deny the reality of the objective conditions of American society. The alternative is to embrace dogmatism regarding the dynamic mechanics of revolution. There are only two clear choices when it comes to communism in today’s condition… to reinforce the opiates or to break free of them. The RPP stands with the momentous turn regarding the American vanguard when the Peoples’ Temple boldly strived to smash the opiate influence once and for all. The RPP stands for a future of an equally totalitarian socialist superstructure... where socialism is embraced in every facet of life, and where it is sustainable to a point where no revisionism, dogmatism, or imperialism can touch the beloved peoples' socialism.

Rural People's Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

People's Temple Agricultural Project

2007-11-09T20:13:00.000-08:00

This video is issued from the Central Committee on the occasion of the anniversary of the foundation of the Rural People's Party (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.) In honor of this auspicious occasion, the Central Committee sends communist greetings in strength and solidarity to all party cadre and supporters worldwide.

We dedicate this RPP Foundation Day to the Red Sun that shines for all comrades in North America, Comrade Jim Jones and the People's Temple collective. As we approach the anniversary of the demise of the People's Temple on November 18th, we call upon all comrades to pull themselves up by their own bootstraps, practice self-reliance and grasp the red revolutionary flag and raise it high, reclaiming the immortal revolutionary legacy of People's Temple and applying it's lessons for the glory of humanity's march toward communism. All glories to the internationalist proletariat!

Central Committee
Rural People's Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

"Break the chains, unleash the fury of women as a mighty force for revolution!"

2007-10-31T10:41:00.000-07:00

(Quotation from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution)

PBSP(MBRM) Statement

2007-10-23T12:27:00.000-07:00

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism:
How we accept it and how we do not accept it.

- - Md. Shahin, October '04

[Adopted and circulated by the Supreme Leading Committee of the Maoist Bolshevik Reorganization Movement of the Proletarian Party of East Bengal (PBSP). October’04]

How we accept Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and how do we not accept it is very much related to our ideological line question. It has got a very long process of its build up and development; it took many twists and turns and to and froe processes in its build up and development and it is moving ahead towards incremental completion.

The process of the build up and development of our ideological line is directly related to the uneven historical development of the process of international communist movement. And it is especially related to the twists and turns and to and froe history of emergence and development of our party within the process of twists and turns in the communist movement of our country.

It is very much clear that the formulated line position of our ideology today is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In the past it was Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought. In the third national congress of our party in 1992 Mao Tse-tung Thought was formulated as Maoism.

But, in the question of ideological line, the way we understanding today is very much different from the past. This we achieved through the quite lengthy process of experience of our party, especially through the process of the recent intense two line struggle. Of course, the international communist movement has played a cooperative decisive role in achieving our today’s understanding in the ideological line question.

We now consider Maoism as the synthesized, latest and highest developed form of Marxism-Leninism. In the present world context no body can adopt Marxism-Leninism without adopting Maoism; and we also believe that no body can become a communist without adopting Maoism today. In view of the correctness of the essence we are in favor of formulating our ideological line as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, especially Maoism. And this is in line with the teachings and further developed form of our party’s founder leader martyred comrade Siraj Sikder.

That is, as per our today’s understanding on the ideological line question, that to adopt Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is especially to adopt Maoism; and adopting Maoism means taking it as the real guiding base for the thinking and practice of ourselves.

It means to us, whatever is in line with Maoism we have to adopt it, and whatever is not in line with Maoism we have to reject it.

That is, we believe that in reviewing the previous and new events, and in evaluating and taking decisions on those events, we have to take into consideration with priority the specific teachings of Maoism on those events.

To utter Maoism and to go against the teachings of Maoism is never considered by us as adopting Maoism.

To utter Maoism and to start from the narrow experiences of own and to keep confined within themselves is also not considered by us as adopting Maoism.

In the class-divided society adopting Maoism isolated from the revolutionary class struggle is Maoism without its effectiveness, which is turned up-side down, which is revisionism to us.

Maoism is the principle of proletarian revolution. Its main form is violence. That is Maoism is the principle of proletarian violent revolution, i.e. proletarian armed revolution. If Maoism is not adopted in this way it becomes revisionism.

There can not be any revolution without seizing the state power, destroying it and establishing the new state power; without relating with this question no program can be a revolutionary program. And the seizure of the state power under the leadership of the proletariat, destroying it and establishing the new state power becomes possible mainly with the politics of people’s war. That means, we believe, there is no existence of any Maoism without the politics of people’s war. That is, the claim of ‘Maoism minus people’s war’ is mere cheating in the name of Maoism.

Adhering always to the policy of taking class struggle as the key is the life and soul of the Maoist politics.

In the context of imperialist world system the politics of eradicating imperialism to establish socialism and communism is the politics of Maoism. In the imperialist suppressed semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries like us the concrete form of this politics is the revolutionary politics of New Democracy. There are two aspects of the New Democratic Revolution; one is national aspect and the other is democratic aspect.

In our country the New Democratic Revolutionary politics means to eradicate the imperialism under the leadership of US, Indian expansionism, bureaucrat capitalism and feudalism, and to establish the state power of workers-peasants-middle class-national bourgeoisie under the leadership of proletariat depending on the fundamental basis of workers-peasants alliance; to establish the New Democratic economics, the New Democratic politics and the New Democratic culture, which are directed towards socialism and communism.

We believe, the essence of the Maoist New Democratic Revolutionary politics is the Democratic Revolution; the principal aspect of which is agrarian revolution and its central point is land revolution, and that could be implemented through the strategy of protracted people’s war depending mainly on the farmers in the rural areas under the leadership of the proletariat; the practicable form of which in the strategic defensive stage today is the guerilla war.

Maoism is a science. This is a science of undivided and totalitarian nature. And philosophy is the life and soul of it. This is known as Historical Dialectic Materialism. The central point of this philosophy is dialectics. The basic point of it is the rule of unity of opposites and the rule of one divides into two. When this is not accepted and implemented, actually Maoism is not accepted as a science.

We are in favor of accepting Maoism as a proletarian science. We are in favor of accepting Maoism as the principle of proletarian violent revolution. We are in favor of accepting Maoism as the guiding thought of the revolutionary class struggle and its today’s highest form the politics of people’s war. We are in favor of accepting Maoism as the beacon light. We are in favor of live, effective, dynamic and developing Maoism. And whoever accepts Maoism in this manner we consider them as Maoist, and we are in favor of absolutely unwavering one-centered unity with them.

Certainly Maoism is invincible and Maoist people’s war is certainly invincible. This is our starting point, essence and final word of our ideological present line. And we are in favor of looking at and summing up our past, present and future on this basis.

On the Occasion of CPK Foundation Day

2007-09-30T09:22:00.000-07:00

From the Desk of the Central Committee
Rural People’s Party (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

Greetings Comrades,

We write to you with great enthusiasm and zeal on this auspicious day for communists all over the world, being the anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Kampuchea. Despicable and malicious imperialist lies against the CPK and Pol Pot continue to be spread and have also generally neutered the analysis capabilities of most FW Western-based communist organizations and personages from even acknowledging the struggle of the Kampuchean people as being relevant. The response of the RPP is to raise high the proletarian fist of hatred against class enemies and to say verily that as these bourgeois apologists dismiss the legacy of the CPK, in like manner do we embrace it and hand in hand with the internationalist proletariat declare these bourgeois elements as irrelevant because we know the shining truth that the future of communism lies not in the hands of post-modernist FW bourgeois who only hold onto communism by the fragile thread of idealism, but rather in the hands of those who have a material interest in seeing communism realized. There can be no substitute for the class element and no option but to put everything regarding the world and oneself under the razor of Maoist criticism and self-criticism. And as Mao, Pol Pot and Jim Jones have taught us, this is not to be an individualist criticism based on one’s own individual whims, but rather a disciplined criticism based upon scientific applied Marxism.

There is a scripture from the bible of the christian religion known throughout the deep south that says “Show me your faith without works and I will show you my faith by my works.” We encourage all comrades in the FW and especially comrades inside the territories of the Black belt nation to apply the lesson taught in this statement and utilize it toward working for a practicable socialism. Socialism and communism of the bourgeois and the intellectuals based in the class enemy have brought us nothing tangible in the black belt. Utterances from the self-absorbed towers of academe fall flat on the ears of the revolutionary Black belt nation, Aztlan nation and lumpenproletariat. Now is the time that we grasp the hammer and sickle in our own hands and with self-reliance and the super-revolutionary principle of independence-mastery fight for a practicable socialism based on the leadership of the proletariat and lumpenproletariat. We uphold the mighty force of Pol Pot line and declare that it is an instruction for putting Maoism at the helm in this land. All glories to the internationalist proletariat! All glories to the path of Pol Pot!

Central Committee
Rural People’s Party
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

We enforce immortal Mao Zedong Thought!

2007-08-30T20:26:00.001-07:00

Fight for the glories of JDPON (Joint Dictatorship of the Proletariat of Oppressed Nations)!

2007-08-29T20:36:00.001-07:00

Visit the Central People's Commune (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) in commemoration of September 30th - Founding of the CPK (Communist Party of Kampuchea)

2007-08-27T20:46:00.000-07:00

Announcement from the RPP CC regarding 30 September, 2007 (CPK Foundation Day):

Visit the Central People's Commune (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) on the coming commemoration of the founding of the CPK (Communist Party of Kampuchea) on September 30th, 2007, and celebrate the glorious revolutionary line of Comrade Pol Pot in the pine woods of the Black belt national territory.

Prospective commune residents and all hardline communist comrades contact us regarding the communist struggle at the Central People's Commune (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) by contacting the central party apparatus via email at: ruralmaoism@hush.com or via post at:

Rural People's Party
P.O. Box 84664
Lexington, SC 29073

"We Will Smash the Old World to Smithereens"

2007-08-14T08:30:00.000-07:00

WE WILL SMASH THE OLD WORLD TO SMITHEREENS

A speech by GPCR luminary and Red Guard organizer Professor Nie Yuanzi, Beijing Red Guard Rally, Tianammen Square, August 18, 1966

A Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution without parallel in history is being carried out in our country under the leadership of our great leader Chairman Mao. This is a revolution of world significance. We will smash the old world to smithereens, create a new world and carry the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution through to the end.

Sailing the seas depends on the helmsman, the growth of everything depends on the sun, and making revolution depends on Mao Zedong's thought. We heartily wish long life to our most respected and beloved great leader Chairman Mao. We shall follow Chairman Mao's teachings, pay attention to state affairs and carry the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution through to the end. We will certainly follow Chairman Mao's teachings, face the world and brave the storms, and become most reliable successors to the revolutionary cause of the proletariat.

Chairman Mao is the reddest sun in our hearts. The Chinese people's revolution has never been all tranquil without storms and waves. We shall bear Chairman Mao's teachings firmly in mind, and temper and test ourselves in great storms and stresses. We will defy death to defend the Party's Central Committee and Chairman Mao. We face a mountain of swords and a sea of flames, but we also have a great beacon light - Mao Zedong's thought which will surely guide us to victory.

Chairman Mao stands among us. This is the happiest and most important moment in our lives. We'll read his works, follow his teachings, act according to his instructions and be his good pupils for the rest of our lives.

"The situation in our country is excellent. The people of the whole country have boundless love for Chairman Mao and the Central Committee. Mao Zedong's thought has penetrated people's minds, the political consciousness of the masses is higher than it has ever been and tremendous successes have been registered in the socialist revolution and construction. No one who opposes Chairman Mao, Mao Zedong's thought, the Party's Central Committee, the dictatorship of the proletariat or the socialist system can escape the censure and condemnation by the whole Party and the whole nation, whoever he may be, whatever high position he may hold and however much a veteran he may be. The only possible result is his total ruination." - from "The 'Royalists' Have Panicked", People's Daily, Beijing, June 4, 1966